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Cronies
Set To Make A Killing
Oliver Morgan and Ed Vulliamy
The London Observer
Sunday 6 April 2003
The
Chequered Past of US Firms In The Frame
Andrew Natsios, head of the US Agency for International Development, set
out last week to counter accusations that $600 million worth of contracts
for reconstruction in Iraq that he is to award to US companies, some
with strong Republican links, were examples of cronyism.
'If you need a surgeon, a lawn service, a real estate agent or a college,
you seek out the names with the reputation for quality and the ability to
get the job done,' he said. Strange, then, that a front-runner is construction
giant Bechtel, whose record in managing America's biggest public works project
has been, by most accounts, disastrous. Only last week, Bechtel's record
in managing the 'Big Dig', a £14.8bn project to burrow a highway under Boston,
was criticised at a public hearing in the city.
The project dates back to 1985, when it was costed at $3.5bn. Severe complications
mean it will be completed only next year, and last week's hearings were
about who was to blame - the state or private contractors, led by Bechtel
and New York-based Parsons Brinckerhoff.
Natsios should know all about this: in fact, he was invited to give evidence
but said he was too busy 'directing the relief and construction effort in
Iraq'. The reason for the invitation was that between 2000 and 2001 he was
chief executive of the Massachusetts Turnpike Authority, the organisation
with responsibility for the Big Dig.
According to Senator Robert Havern, chairman of the Massachusetts Joint
Transportation Committee, it was when Natsios was Turnpike chief that the
biggest rise in costs, from $10.8bn to $14.7bn, took place. Havern says:
'This is the biggest works project in the history of America, and it is
the largest cost overrun of any project.' He thought some of the fault would
be Bechtel's, and was surprised Bechtel was in consideration for Iraq. 'I
cannot believe that he [Natsios] would not, with the knowledge he has from
here, be very sceptical.'
Bechtel is a powerful company, with links to the Republican Party at the
highest level going back to the 1980s, when senior executives such as George
Shultz were appointed to the Reagan administration. The company put in a
bid to build an oil pipeline from Iraq to Aqaba on the Red Sea, a project
first mooted by Shultz at the US State Department. It would dearly like
to return to Iraq.
Another company until recently in line for the $600m contract is the Halliburton
subsidiary Kellogg Brown & Root, whose connections are even more impeccable
--Vice- President Dick Cheney was formerly chief executive - and whose contributions
more generous. It has ruled itself out of the bidding for the $600m contract,
which observers say suggests it has woken up to the possible political damage.
But it aims to team up with Parsons, still in the bidding, as a sub-contractor,
and has a lucrative deal to tap oil well fires in Iraq. Most of all, it
is poised for the main area of US spending in post-war Iraq: maintenance
of the military - building houses, barracks, water systems, and operating
everything from heavy equipment to mail and laundry.
When George Bush went to Congress to ask for $65.6 billion for the war,
he earmarked $2.4bn for aid and reconstruction, with $17bn for other post-war
costs. According to Pratap Chatterjee, of California-based CorpWatch, the
Halliburton subsidiary still stands to make a killing. 'The main money is
not in reconstruction; the main money is in supporting the troops. Whoever
gets that money will be running all the bases for an army that is not going
to leave. Around 80 per cent of the budget goes to the military, and the
rest on reconstruction.'
The US garrison in Iraq will dwarf that in Afghanistan. In December 2001,
KBR secured a 10-year contract from the Pentagon that enables it to run
military related projects anywhere in the world, for a guaranteed profit.
So far, KBR has netted $830m from the programme.
Natsios may well thank KBR for bowing out of the main construction contract.
But with Halliburton's designs on other deals, his knowledge of Bechtel's
Boston record, and claims that Fluor, another of the major bidders, has
an unsavoury past in South Africa, his task remains complicated and controversial.
(In accordance with
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